When Hospitals Merge to Save Money, Patients Often Pay More
The nation’s
hospitals have been merging at a rapid pace for a decade, forming
powerful organizations that influence nearly every health care decision
consumers make.
The hospitals have argued that consolidation benefits consumers with cheaper prices from coordinated services and other savings.
But
an analysis conducted for The New York Times shows the opposite to be
true in many cases. The mergers have essentially banished competition
and raised prices for hospital admissions in most cases, according to an
examination of 25 metropolitan areas with the highest rate of
consolidation from 2010 through 2013, a peak period for mergers.
The
analysis showed that the price of an average hospital stay soared, with
prices in most areas going up between 11 percent and 54 percent in the
years afterward, according to researchers from the Nicholas C. Petris
Center at the University of California, Berkeley.
The new research confirms growing
skepticism among consumer health groups and lawmakers about the enormous
clout of the hospital groups. While most political attention has
focused on increased drug prices and the Affordable Care Act, state and
federal officials are beginning to look more closely at how hospital
mergers are affecting spiraling health care costs.
During
the Obama years, the mergers received nearly universal approval from
antitrust agencies, with the Federal Trade Commission moving to block
only a small fraction of deals. State officials generally looked the
other way.
President Trump issued an executive order
last year calling for more competition, saying his administration would
focus on “limiting excessive consolidation throughout the health care
system.” In September, Congress asked the Medicare advisory board to
study the trend.
But not only have big
consolidations continued, the behemoths have further cemented their
reach in some regions of the country by gobbling up major doctors’ and
surgeons’ practices.
“You
have to watch for these systems throwing their weight around,” said
Xavier Becerra, the California attorney general whose office has sued
Sutter Health, a sprawling system in the northern part of the state. “We
are looking for cases where consolidation does nothing for efficiency
and leads to distortions of the market.”
Ted
Doolittle, who heads Connecticut’s Office of the Healthcare Advocate,
has fielded angry complaints from residents, but he sees few options
available to officials. “A lot of this is too little and too late,” he
said.
Finding new paths for growth
The
latest giant hospital consolidations continue to stir concerns. Dignity
Health and Catholic Health Initiatives, two large chains, are expected
to become one of the nation’s largest groups
— with 139 hospitals in 28 states — by the end of the year. And two of
Texas’ biggest systems, Baylor Scott & White Health and Memorial
Hermann Health System, recently announced plans to combine.
The
New Haven area has witnessed the most significant decline in
competition. Yale New Haven Health, one of the largest hospital groups
in Connecticut, took over the only competing hospital in the city and
has also aggressively expanded along the state’s coast. The group
recently added another hospital to its collection, merging Milford with
its Bridgeport location.
Although the
price of a hospital admission in the New Haven-Milford area was already
three times higher than in other parts of the state, prices surged by 25
percent from 2012 to 2014, compared with 7 percent elsewhere in the
state, according to the Petris Center.
In
the national analysis, a third of the metropolitan areas experienced
increases in the cost of hospital stays of at least 25 percent from 2012
to 2014, from roughly $12,000 to at least $15,000.
Prices
rise even more steeply when these large hospital systems buy doctors’
groups, according to Richard Scheffler, director of the Petris Center.
“It’s
much more powerful when they already have a very large market share,”
said Mr. Scheffler, who recently published a study on the issue in
Health Affairs. “The impact is just enormous.”
Thousands of Connecticut residents were stranded without a local hospital
last year when another big hospital group, Hartford HealthCare, battled
the state’s biggest health insurer over how much it would charge for
patient care.
Its six hospitals are clustered around
the state capital and are the only resort for residents in broad swaths
of the eastern part of the state. This month, it announced plans to add a
seventh hospital to its network.
“These
systems are empire-building, there’s no question,” said Jill Zorn, a
senior policy officer for the Universal Health Care Foundation of
Connecticut, which seeks to improve access for residents. “But to whose
benefit?”
Numerous studies by
economists and others have underscored how hospital consolidation is
driving up the cost of medical care. “Within the academic community,
there is near unanimity,” said Zack Cooper, a health economist at Yale
University who is among a group of researchers that has looked at how dominant hospitals affect prices.
Some hospitals need a savior
The
emergence of a one-hospital town is inevitable in many places, and the
Parkersburg, W.Va., area is no exception. St. Joseph’s merged with
neighboring Camden-Clark Memorial in 2011, and then they were consumed
by what is now the state’s largest health system.
“We’ve
got it down to a single campus,” said Albert L. Wright Jr., the chief
executive of West Virginia University Health System. “Parkersburg is not
big enough to support two hospitals.”
Residents
can get most care locally but they go to Morgantown, where the academic
medical center is situated, for complex conditions. “We’ve elevated the
level of care,” Mr. Wright said.
But
private insurers are paying more. In the Parkersburg-Vienna area, the
overall price of a hospital stay increased 54 percent from 2012 to 2014,
after the mergers. That is compared with 10 percent elsewhere in the
state, according to the Petris Center.
Large systems “get paid better by some of the insurers,” Mr. Wright said.
Flailing
hospitals often have little choice but to be acquired or go out of
business, and a larger system can offer badly needed capital and
management skills. “They can fix a hospital and benefit the community,”
said Torrey McClary, a lawyer who specializes in mergers at King &
Spalding.
When Yale New Haven Health
took over the Hospital of Saint Raphael, a Catholic hospital six blocks
away from its New Haven location, Saint Raphael was in danger of going
under. Over the last six years, the system has invested more than $200
million in capital improvements at Saint Raphael, said its president
Richard D’Aquila, including modernizing “everything behind the walls.”
Because
it converted Saint Raphael into what is essentially a second 555-bed
campus for its academic medical center, Yale New Haven Health defends
the higher rates it charges private insurers as appropriate for a
top-tier medical institution. Its community hospitals negotiate prices
individually with insurers.
“Our
focus is not on getting bigger,” Mr. D’Aquila said. He said Saint
Raphael, which was half empty when it was taken over, is now seeing
record numbers of patients.
Systems
also say they are trying to improve the care for smaller communities.
“We’re actively trying to move care toward places that are accessible,”
Hartford’s chief executive, Elliot Joseph, said.
Patients wind up paying more
But patients rarely reap the rewards of lower insurance premiums or out-of-pocket expenses when mergers occur.
Hartford executives talk about reducing
the total cost of care in the same breath that they discuss the need to
charge insurers more. “The math for us is how we move the care out of
the hospitals while maintaining our financial stability,” Mr. Joseph
said.
To defend higher rates, many
hospitals cite low reimbursements from government sources, particularly
Medicaid, and highlight their role as a safety net. “We’re left with no
choice,” Mr. D’Aquila said.
Others,
like Hartford, negotiate prices as a single entity, forcing health
insurers to include all of their hospitals in a network or risk losing
access in areas where there are no alternatives.
Hartford
“has taken over so many hospitals and practices that, with the Anthem
dispute, we felt we had no choices at all,” Sharry Goldman, a Storrs,
Conn., resident, told state lawmakers. Although Hartford and Anthem Blue
Cross, the insurer, eventually reached an agreement, Connecticut passed
a law this year requiring hospitals and insurers to extend previous
contracts for two months to protect consumers when the parties are at an
impasse.
While patients
may pay more for a well-known brand, like Yale, it is not clear that the
higher price tags lead to better care, said Francois de Brantes, a
health care executive who once worked at General Electric, which is
headquartered in the state.
“We
have more lower-rated hospitals in Connecticut than in other New
England states,” he said, pointing to an analysis he did at the time of
the Anthem-Hartford dispute.
What happens when mergers are opposed
In
the Albany, Ga., area, where the Berkeley researchers found a rare
decline in hospital prices, the Federal Trade Commission had
unsuccessfully attempted to block HCA, the for-profit hospital chain,
from selling its hospital to its only local competitor in 2011. But the
merger took place, and the F.T.C. reached a settlement with the parties involved.
While Berkeley researchers foundarea prices dropped, another study
by two former F.T.C. employees, Christopher Garmon and Laura Kmitch,
found that certain hospital quality measures declined. The merger
“highlights the problems that can occur when competition is reduced,”
the authors said.
The
hospital group, Phoebe Putney Health System, dismissed the findings.
“Phoebe has made great strides in enhancing the quality of health care
available to the people of southwest Georgia,” Dawn Benson, Phoebe’s
general counsel, said in a statement.
To foster competition, Lee County is planning a new 60-bed hospital within the Albany area.
In
some cases, state regulators have opposed actions they consider illegal
and anti-competitive. In Washington, state officials accused CHI
Franciscan Health, based in Tacoma, of using its ties to two doctors’
practices to raise prices and decrease competition on the Kitsap
Peninsula, according to a lawsuit filed last year.
The
regulators argue that CHI wanted to wield its newfound clout by
shifting some operations and imaging from less expensive outpatient
settings to hospitals where they could charge more.
“I
am all for taking advantage of hospital-based pricing, if we think it
is doable in the market and the market can support it,” a CHI executive
is quoted as saying in the lawsuit. “It would be great to drop a couple
of million more to our bottom line.”
CHI Franciscan said the attorney general’s allegations were “misguided and unfounded.”
In
California, Mr. Becerra, the state attorney general, brought a lawsuit
against Sutter in March, claiming that its actions led to significantly
higher prices in Northern California.
Sutter
says it adopted methods encouraged by the federal health care law, by
combining hospital services with care delivered outside the hospital to
better meet patients’ needs.
But Mr.
de Brantes, the health care executive in Connecticut, and others wonder
why many mergers were allowed in the first place. “The puzzling part for
many of us in the state is why anyone would allow these oligopolies to
form,” he said.



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